The Print Media and Minority Images by Chandan Mitra

It is a general view among Muslims in India that the English-Language media does not project a true and positive picture of the community. They also believe that there is a bias in the international media against the Muslims in general. This, of course, is an over-simplified analysis of an otherwise complicated situation- portraying the image of Muslims as the largest religious minority in India, as well as that of a stereotyped monolithic community living in a Hindu-majority country. The reality is that the variation of the image of Indian Muslims projected by the Indian media varies vastly but the expectations are unfair in the given circumstances. My point of reference is the English language media–for the simple reason that, being an insider, I am closely aware of the reality and more of limitations.

Though I do not fully agree with the perception of Indian Muslims as far as their media image is concerned but I will not directly contest their perception, I would rather go into detail of the features of this psyche along with the problems of the media. For only this reason, I shall also speak from the stand-point of the Urdu press in India as it is only the Urdu press run by Muslims that has done more damage to the Muslim image in India than any other language media. In this analysis, I shall not include such Urdu newspapers as Pratap, Milap, and Hind Samachar as neither are they run by Muslim establishments, nor are their readership Muslim. Their professional concerns and editorial orientations are altogether different. The Urdu media, especially in north India -and more specifically Delhi -is negative and least interested in propagating and encouraging positive Muslim images in a plural society such as India . There is a perception among scholars—even Muslim readers—that Urdu newspapers are not interested in playing any role to make the Muslims a part of the social changes and modernization that is rapidly taking place in India . Ather Farouqui, sums this up aptly:

…the prospects remain that Urdu journalism will continue the traditional game of arousing Muslim sentiments through provocative writing, and render them susceptible to the influence of the communal leadership with which a good many Urdu journalists are themselves aligned due to their own ambitions for political prominence and professional clout…

It is also true that, other than Delhi, the English media and the media of regional languages (other than Hindi print media of north India as in north India it is a different story altogether with a much complicated political sociology) in respective regions see Muslims as part of regional culture and local politics. Except from north Indian Muslims, the Muslims of the entire country whose mother-tongue is other than Urdu or Hindi have fully assimilated themselves with the regional cultural ethos to the extent that they cannot be counted as one entity with the Muslims of northern India . Farouqui further says:



Without doubt the Muslims of South India and West Bengal never recognized Urdu as their language and a symbol of their religious identity. In the changed political milieu too even if Urdu was never their language and in the past they were greatly distanced from the Muslims of North India. Culturally north Indian Muslims always considered themselves different from Muslims in the rest of the country. They are also the victims of the pronounced sense of superiority. Cultural distance and the strong sense of superiority on the part of north Indian Muslims become a great hurdle in linking them with the South Indian Muslims. This factor also prevented the movement for Pakistan from reaching South India except for a few big cities such as Hyderabad . Migration to Pakistan from the South was limited precisely because of the hold of north Indian Muslims over the Muslim League particularly by the Ashraf (gentry). Linguistic and cultural conflicts have arisen there even after the formation of Pakistan thus, the subsequent establishment of Bangladesh and the remarkable rise of the Muhajir Qaumi Movement (MQM). The strife in the refugee-dominated urban areas of Sindh province is an ample proof of this. Muslim politics in contemporary India are not particularly different from what they were in the past. The hold of north Indian Muslims on Muslim political campaigns even after independence has been strong. This prompted the presumption that the north Indian Muslim leadership would also be successful in the South. However the humiliating defeat of Syed Shahabuddin, a self-designated vocal spokesman of South Indian Muslims, in Bangalore during the 1989 general elections made the north Indian Muslims leadership acutely aware of its real standing in the South.

In northern India , not only the Muslims, but also the Hindus, are a unique socio-political phenomenon. Broadly speaking, north India is itself such a strange political phenomenon that understanding its psychology has never been easy, even for sociologists. The Hindu-Muslim context of north India is different from that of the rest of India . The imbroglio called Hindi versus Urdu is therefore not only the politics of language, but also has the gamut of political complexities at its forefront. The Urdu-Hindi controversy of the nineteenth century was the reflection of this politico cultural conundrum. Even today, the situation has not changed much. Howsoever complicated the reality may be because of its variations, in the eyes of the world, the images that are projected by the English media of India especially Delhi , are the images of India , irrespective of being Muslim or Hindu.

As far as Muslims are concerned, Muslim intellectuals in Delhi are deemed the sole representatives of the entire Muslim community for the simple reason that their being in Delhi gives the media easy access to them. To what extent are the Muslim intellectuals working in the universities and the retired bureaucrats active within the media circle genuinely concerned about the sociology of India Muslims, is a known fact? Very clearly, the members of the English speaking Muslim elite in Delhi have neither have an understanding of the problems of common Muslims, nor do they have any interest in the matter. This is perhaps the reason why the common educated Muslim is not only unfamiliar with these so-called intellectuals but, if they know of them, they even hate them.

To an extent, the Urdu newspapers of Delhi , working as a single entity, could be said to have an understanding of the north India Muslims’ psyche, but they have only played a negative role in their lives. As far as the electronic media is concerned, some Urdu TV channels use the spoken language and focus on the Muslim middle-class that is still almost negligible in proportion to the entire Muslim population. But these channels too give the way to misunderstanding about Muslims. As such, viewers of Urdu TV channels are mostly those who do not know English, it seems that there is no respite for common Muslims.

Despite being a single entity, the speed with which Urdu newspapers form north India, especially weekly newspapers of Delhi, are heading towards decay is rather on expected and anticipated lines. I shall not talk here about official circulation figures of Urdu newspapers that merely serve the purpose of the government to show that Urdu is flourishing. In the government files, of course, Urdu journalism is making steady progress simply because the government officials are assigned the role of issuing misleading statements highlighting the progress made in case of the promotion of Urdu, particularly by a certain central government organization namely National Council for Promotion of Urdu Language.

The question of the progress of Urdu journalism is concerned with the system of Urdu education in common schools with secular curricula. The issue of script has now arisen in the context of the dini madaris. If the children whose mother-tongue is Urdu get an opportunity to study Urdu within their school curricula, the entire sociology of the dini madaris will undergo a sea-change; it would mark their decisive decline. Until there is no arrangement for teaching Urdu in the secular curriculum, the population wanting to learn Urdu would remain confined to the dini madaris and the Urdu newspapers even though unwillingly, would print only what the madrasa-educated people would like to read. We all know what the madrasa-educated people want to read and we are also aware of how a person educated in religious institution views a pluralistic society, or how the religious person himself is viewed by the pluralistic society.

Unfortunately, after Partition, Urdu has not been included by the Congress leadership in the secular curriculum, especially in the north India states. Consequently, the madrasas kept growing. With the passage of time, they replaced school education among Muslims and established a parallel system dangerous to the nation but more for Muslims themselves. One reason for the survival and growth of the madrasas is the economic backwardness of the common Muslims. But when Muslim children did not go to school, both economic and social transformation stopped among Muslims. Without doubt, the increase in the number of madrasas is also an example of the failure of our national educational policy and constitutional obligation to treat Muslims at par in education too. Obviously, an economically backward section of society, such as the Muslims, cannot develop an educational system parallel to the state-sponsored educational apparatus. Sooner or later, society will have to provide Muslims with secular education at par with other religious groups, mainly Hindus, so that they are made part of mainstream education and occupy a common civic space. It is for us to think how to stop the growth and spread of the dini madaris, whose network comprises half-a-million madrasas with 50 million full–time students. (These are authentic and undisputed figures known to all, issued by the government, and which were not challenged.) We should also not forget that because of being religious educational institutions, madrasas are much more organized and influential than the secular-curriculum schools run by the government.

The English media in India is an elite media, an offshoot of the baggage of history. As a large majority of Muslims in India are economically deprived and do not live in big cities, there is a tendency in the English language media to ignore issues that concern Muslims. The English media, however, plays an important role in shaping perceptions in the minds of India as a whole. Although read by 2 or 3% (and really understood by hardly 1%) of the Indian population, the images that the English media builds and creates are reflected decisively in the international scene as well as within India . These images enhance a political balance. The English media provides the pan Indian picture for the regional language media unaware of north Indian languages, such as Hindi (which is already considered as biased as the Urdu media is overzealous in its presentation of Muslim issues). The English-language media is said to provide a common ground between these conflicting positions and is, in a certain sense, a moderator or a melting pot among the various sections of India . There are also allegations from Muslims against the English media that are true but the whole English media does not behave so irresponsibly.

It is true that the English media often picks up wrong Muslim voices that do not represent the community; this is counter productive. For example we have Shabana Azmi who always gets space because of being associated with Bollywood. She is easily accessible and knows the English idiom of discourse. But she does not represent anybody but herself, and due to the glamour element attached, her views get highlighted much more than those of various other more representative people. It is the responsibility of the media to search for the right voice and the media has certainly been lazy in that matter.

Certain stereotypes in the media also condition issues. For instance, there is a widespread misconception in the media about the role of the Dar-ul Uloom Deoband. The general feeling is that it is a place where one can get the ‘fundamentalist Muslims’ very easily. Certainly this perception is wrong but the Muslims did nothing to remove this misconception. They just blame the media but cannot request the ulema not to issue fatwas that makes a mockery of the entire community. After 11 September 2001, there has been a lot of coverage of Deoband and its activities, on assumed lines based moe on imagination than field work and visits to the prestigious Islamic university. To the great disappointment of correspondents from the electronic media who occasionally happen to visit Deoband, they found that Deoband was not what they had actually visualized.

But all said and done, one is at a loss to realize that if, half a million madrasas exist in India , where 50 million full time students are enrolled, it is naturally a matter of great concern. These 50 million students do not include the part-time student who attends the madrasas. There are lots of Muslim students who go to regular schools and attend the madrasas part-time to study the Koran and Islamic tenets. So instead of blaming Deoband we should suggest something that can enable the Muslim educational empowerment. I would not comment on the practical joke of the government which, in the name of the madrasa modernization scheme, proposed to spend Rs. 20 crore. A break-up of this money would show that on an average it comes to Rs.0.40 per student. One can easily understand the Congress’s logic or the whole logic of the modernization of madrasas scheme initiated by Rajiv Gandhi.

There are two strands in the media, particularly in the English media. One is patronizing, the other antagonistic. The patronizing strand recognizes that a wrong has been done to the Muslims, and one has to go out of the way to support them and advise them what they should and should not do. This strand is growing among a section of the Hindu intelligentsia and the media. There is another well-known antagonistic strand mainly propounded by Vinod Mehta that Muslims are a prisoner of these images. This strand does not reach out for any kind of dialogue or understanding and has certain stereotyped images of which everybody has become a prisoner.

Siddharth Varadrajan, a senior editor with The Hindu, was scathing in his criticism of the media for long. I do not think that there is a conscious communal basis, at least in the English media but I agree with the view that most of the people working with the English media, including Muslims do not know Muslim society at large. They know only the elite Muslims and at the most, the upper middle class Muslim strata. The bias, if any, is a product of ignorance. It is time for common Muslims to not get into the paranoid feeling that the media has been consciously seeking to victimize or portray them as villains in the Indian society. There are people with a communal viewpoint, who would not in acceptable parlance be called secular. Though they do have space in the English media, they belong to various communities (including Muslims). By and large, the media has tended to be responsible even in cases related to reporting on riots. The English-language media has persisted in trying to bring the guilty to book on a number of issues, —whether it was during the 1984 anti-Sikh massacre, in Maliana or Hashimpura or Meerut or Bhagalpur, or in 2002 Gujarat carnage. The reporting of the English press of these incidents shocked the entire nation. English press pursued these incidents relentlessly, and reporters have gone back to the spot on every anniversary of these riots to bring home the point that the guilty persons are running scot-free, and that the state has not taken any action to bring them to book. Siddharth Varadarajan is correct that there were lapses during the initial reporting because of newspaper reliance on the police version (which is often communally biased), the high financial cost of newsgathering, reliance on unprofessional stringers and the bias of the news desk. But, the media does thereafter take up in systematic manner cases of human rights violation, police atrocities, and the tardy process of inquiries.

I do not agree with the view that the media is insensitive to the issues of the Muslims. It has, in fact, been responsible and responsive – its extent is another issue. Instead of tarring the entire media with the same brush, one needs to differentiate and expand the space where there is a greater concern and sensitivity, rather than saying that the whole media is the same. The Muslim intelligentsia should not shut themselves out from the English media; rather, they have to enhance their space within it.

The painting of the images is not only in terms of terrorism or madrasas. There are other issues with wider social ramification that we must consider. Take the issue of the triple talaq in one sitting, for instance, on which reams have been written in the English media in the last ten or twelve years, ever since the Shah Bano issue. I am not saying that these should not be discussed, but the disproportionate amount of space and time that goes into the over-simplified analysis intensifies stereotypes. Most of the nonsense becomes possible because of publicity hungry ulema. We have to look beyond, rather than just point to improper riot reporting or inherent biases. We have to highlight issues that will bring about fundamental changes – issues of the Muslims’ socio-economic growth, progress and the educational empowerment and achievements. The reality is that issues that are not really germane to the genuine problems of the Muslim community get undue attention from the media as well as from Muslim writers, There are other issues that are of greater relevance. For example, how many Muslim students go to primary schools? What is the drop out ratio of Muslim students after secondary and senior secondary examinations? How many Muslims have been inducted into the police force at the level of sepoy and sub-Inspectors? How many are there in the administrative services examinations conducted by the subordinate staff selection commissions in the states? If the proportion of Muslims is low, why is it so? These are real issues that the Muslim themselves do not get to read or reflect upon, debate, or discuss.

If we discuss Muslim education, we discuss it only through the English medium which is just utopian. If we can discuss Muslim proportion in government services, we just talk of civil services, an impossible thing for first generation learners whether Hindus or Muslims. Needless to say that, this entire elite phenomenon will not work to improve the socio economic conditions of common Muslims in India . In the world of entertainment, there is a great deal of Muslim participation but again it is an elite phenomenon. I think that is where we are all collectively guilty: these issues do not get discussed.

Is there a bias that is causing the decline in Muslim representation in the government services? Why, for instance, has the Muslim middle-class, which was such a critical factor in the pre-Partition years, declined and dwindled in comparison to the Hindu middle class? Arguably, it is true that a very large section of the Muslim middle-class did migrate to Pakistan between 1947 and 1950, but why did it not grow? We never discussed the complexity of the issue that the Muslim middle-class voice is not really the voice of the entire Muslim community

The new Muslim middle class is also the new-born psychological version of the aristocratic Muslim elite of pre-partition India . In the Hindu community, the Hindu middle-class got education in state run schools where regional language and not English was the medium. Now the Hindu middle class dictates and determines the socio political agenda and sets the tone for dialogue and discourse at the international level too. These issues, I emphasize again, needs to be reflected in the media, debated, and discussed again and again. The media is the only forum for interaction and greater participation, both for intra-community dialogue within the Muslim community and inter-community dialogue between all communities that together can lead to a better, prosperous and cohesive India . The media has to correct itself, but we also have to look beyond as the myopic vision that we have at present will not solve the problem. The two communities have lived together for hundreds of years, and they will continue to live together. Biases have to be corrected – unfortunately, they have intensified. What do we do about that? I think that is what we have to focus on, and I hope that there will be more writers, more commentators, and more Muslims joining and contributing to the media. The media is today getting increasingly effective and powerful, and greater Muslim participation is needed in it.

Biases do exist every where. But just as there are biases, there are also people who go out of the way to try and correct them. These are both part of the fractured Indian reality that we should recognize, and try to widen the space, widen Muslim participation in the media, and have more people talking about real Muslim issues, going beyond those issues that unfortunately help intensify stereotypes.





Chandan Mitra is the Editor in chief of the widely circulated English daily 'The Pioneer' and he is also a Member of Parliament (Rajya Sabha).He can be contacted at chandanmitra@hotmail.com.



(This article was included in the book edited by Ather Farouqui titled "Muslims and the Media Images:News versus Views" published by the Oxford University Press , India .)

Impact of Religious Fundamentalism on Mulsim Youth in Kerala (Study in Progress)

Some of the early trends in the ongoing study of Muslim youth behaviour seem to be very distressing. The field survey is in progress in Thiruvananthapuram & Malappuram. It is expected to finish the survey in these districts by the end of November 2009. The next round of survey work will begin by the beginning of December 2009 in Kannur & Ernakulam. Some of the feed back received from the field are as follows:

1. Muslim youth support the NDF/Popular Front activities.
2. NDF has strong presence in almost all parts of Kerala.
3. People who have NDF links are not interested to cooperate with the survey. Still, many youth made their comments.
4.Muslim youth in Thiruvananthapuram lost their faith in Indian secularism.
5.There are strong reaction against the performance of Muslim League. (Details will be published later along with the whole findings).
6.Muslim youth still feel isolated from the mainstream India as per the reaction from Thiruvananthapuram.
7. Malppuram strongly trust in Indian Secularism.
8. Conditions of Muslim Youth in Malappuram are very pathetic, as sizable number of youth are unemployed,poor and drug/tobacco addict.


Of course, there are a lot to say....

New Wave of Sangh Parivar Violence in Karnataka: Hindus Rescued Muslims

*"Hindutva People Attacked Us And Hindus Saved Us"*
The mega narrative called world and life has both big actors and small
actors. Big actors can call the shots but its not they who run the show.
They just spoil the show. It’s these small actors who keep the world going.

These thoughts were the ripples created by my tryst with a few victims of
one of the nineteen incidents (till 19 March) that have taken place in Udupi
and Dakshina Kannada districts of Karnataka after the Hindu Samajothsava
held on March 15 at Mangalore.

These boys were one of the first victims of the series of violence. These
boys namely: Aarif, Ahraf, Thaufeek, Sirajuddin, Hameed, Sarfaraz, Navman
and Rajesh, who were returning home (Mulky) on March 15 after a cricket
tourney in Brahmavar got caught in the traffic jam at Kaup where communal
disturbance had erupted.

Unaware of the communal disturbance the boys in their car imagined that the
traffic jam was because of some accident that they assumed had taken place
on the road. As they were waiting for the traffic to be cleared, a police
constable according to Hammed came to them and asked if there were women in
the car and when said “no” he asked the boys to run away.

Within a few minutes after this a group of 30-40 people returning from the
Hindu Samajothsava mobbed the car and asked if the people inside were
Muslims. Realizing the fact that they were Muslims, due the sticker pasted
on the front glass saying ‘Masha-Allah’ the attackers broke the frontal
glass first and then the back glass. Realizing the threat to their life the
boys inside the car opened the door and ran in different directions. But
before they escaped from the hands of the attackers, they were beaten quite
badly.

*“I am a Hindu”*

While they were being beaten, during their attempt to run, Rajesh, a Hindu,
was showing his ears being pierced and also his sacred thread to the
attackers as a proof to say that he was a Hindu. That being not enough he
also kept crying “I am a Hindu, I am a Hindu” but the attackers did not
spare him.

Rajesh after the incident was being taken to the house of Soori Shetty, who
rescued Rajesh, but Jagadeesh Achar a friend of Soori Shetty, took Rajesh to
his house because Rajesh was of his caste!!! That night, Rajesh speaking to
Jagadeesh Achar said “if we had spoken only in Kannada the attackers
wouldn’t have known that there are Muslims in the car.

*“Hindutva people attacked us and Hindus saved us”*

After opening the door and running in different directions Hameed crossing
all the fences that he faced reached a “Hindu house” where a lady, he said,
asking him to hide inside her house stood at the door with a sickle and
chased away the attackers who were chasing him. As this lady was fighting
the saffron brigade, Hameed escaped through the back door.

Aarif, once he opened the door to run, was caught by the attackers and
beaten with rod and a lathi. He said that escaping from their hands he ran
directly to a police near by holding whom tightly he said “save me, save me”
and the police expressing his helplessness said “run away from here.” On
understanding that the situation had “gone beyond the control of police”
Aarif ran towards the residential area and collapsed in the courtyard of a
“Hindu house” where, he said, two women took him in and served him water.
“They were the ones who later on took me to the hospital near by for first
aid”, said Aarif.

Thaufeek another boy said that escaping from the hands of the attackers ran
to a non-residential area and climbed a tree and hid himself behind the
leaves filled branches.

Saying that the very thought and memory of those moments scare him; Hameed
said “Hindutva people attacked us and Hindus saved us” and adds to it “Those
who attacked us are pawns in this game. The real culprits are the ones who
instigate these people to attack.”

*“Human life is more important”*

“All of us got scattered while we all ran for our lives and finally it was
one Soori Shetty, a localite, who using all his contacts brought us together
and ensured that we all are taken to the hospital” recollects Sirajuddin.

Soori Shetty said that his house is located near by the place where the
mishap took place on Sunday. That evening on hearing noise from the streets,
he said, he had come out of home to see what was happening. Soori Shetty
said that on realizing that there was a communal conflict he decided to do
his “duty.” Recollecting the incident he said “human life is more important
than religion and other things.”
How I wish the big actors had the wisdom of the small actors of this mega
narrative!!!

- *Samvartha 'Sahil'*

Muslim Fundamentalism and Extremism in Kerala: The Role of Islamic Organizations

Dr.K.M.Sajad Ibrahim


Islamic Fundamentalism and extremism took root in Kerala as a result of the demolition of the Babri Musjid in 1992. The nature and ideology of these movements have close relations with the Islamic fundamentalism at global level. In the Indian context these movements were launched against Hindu fundamentalism which was viewed as a threat to the rights of Muslims and other religious minorities. It was in this context the organizations like Islamic Sevak Sangh (ISS), Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) and National Development Front (NDF) appeared as defender of the rights of the Muslims. When moderate Muslim political parties and organizations failed to respond to the events in the post-Babri Musjid incidents, new organizations with radical Islamic ideology exploited the situation by influencing the minds of Muslims. Although only a minuscule came under the influence of these radical religious ideology, its impact in the Kerala society has led to far reaching consequences. Communal clashes have become regular phenomena along with the unearthing of a large number of lethal weapons from many parts of Kerala. All these indicate the threat of the communal organizations, both minority and majority, posed against the peaceful atmosphere. The recent growth of Islamic outfits to counter the Sangh Parivar raises many questions concerned with its nature and objectives. The basic object of the paper is to understand the Islamic fundamentalism in the global context and its application to the new Islamic organizations recently founded in Kerala.

Islamic Fundamentalism: Major Implications

Islamic fundamentalism is a distinct phenomenon of the twentieth century which appears to have developed mainly in response to western influence in the Muslim countries. It is an alternative to the traditional conservatism of the Ulama (Muslim religious establishment) and Muslim secularism. Fundamentalists believe that Islam is a complete philosophical, social and economic system containing the answers to mankind’s current problems which capitalism and socialism have failed to solve. They are purists, who have rediscovered the Quran and Islamic values. Fundamentalists advocate the creation of Islamic state, that is, states governed according to the sharia (Islamic law). Such states currently include Saudi Arabia, Iran, Sudan Pakistan etc. In other Muslim countries, that is, where fundamentalists do not officially have political power, many of their demands may nevertheless be acceded to by a moderate government anxious to appease and defuse popular fundamentalists’ fervour.

The rapid spread of Muslim fundamentalism in recent decades seems to be related to the rapid urban growth which has taken place in many parts of the Muslim world. Urbanisation has produced simultaneously wealthy, westernized elite and a poverty stricken, slum dwelling underclass. The former group aroused the resentment of the latter group, who saw their conspicuous consumption and secular tastes as directly opposed to Islam. Hence, Islam identified with the poor and exploited. Another factor in the rise of fundamentalism in some countries is the oil wealth of Muslim countries. It has given self-confidence to many Muslim states, and this results in a renewal of Islamic fervour which led to fundamentalism. In fact, fundamentalism is also a reaction against corrupt autocratic regimes in the Muslim world, where leaders show little concern for their people. Fundamentalist groups offer education, jobs, health care etc. which led to popular support.

Those Muslims who strive to establish an Islamic state can be divided in two groups according to the methods they employ their aims. The mainstream Islamists trend seeks to accomplish its objectives by working within the existing rules and regulations of its respective societies. They are generally not opposed to a degree of political pluralism, to working within the system, to democratic participation, and acknowledge the interests and rights of minorities. These Islamists are generally pragmatic, and do not rule out the existence of a market economy. The second category of those who espouse the concept of an Islamic state are the militant, radical and revolutionary Islamists who are prepared to use violence in their efforts to unseat existing governments. The threat of Islamic fundamentalism which is widely publicized in the west these days comes exclusively from this group of Islamists. They reject the idea of pluralism, political or otherwise, decry democracy as non-Islamic and repress ethnic, linguistic religious minorities. Terrorists’ tactics are normally considered as legitimate tool in the arsenal available to such groups. Jihad one such term deliberately used to unleash violence. In reality the word ‘Jihad’ has no relation with violence as mentioned in Quran and Prophetic words. Jihad has the literal meaning of exerting our best and greatest effort to achieve the path of God. Quran does not call for the annihilation of non-believers. For eg. Quran calls: “The truth is from Lord: let him who will, believe, and let him who will, reject it.(Quran18:29). “If it had been Lord’s will, they would have all have believed- all who are on earth! Wilt thou then compel mankind, against their will, to believe!”. (It means men of faith must not be impatient or angry if they have to contend against Unfaith, and most important of all, they must guard against the temptation of forcing Faith … Forced faith is no faith. (Abdullah Yousuf Ali Quran translation p.505) At the global context, the people who are attracted to the fundamentalist movements are the lower middle class and the students. The basic reasons for their attractions to fundamentalism include in their social and religious sense of despair and in their being a class of the society that has no future.

Islamic Extremist Organizations in Kerala

The rise of fundamentalism in Malabar, especially in Malppuram, which is fast becoming its major centre, dates back to the days when traditional Muslim parties like the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) took a beating after the demolition of the Babri Musjid. The IUML was at the receiving end of the Babri developments as the party was an ally of the Congress in the Kerala ruling front. The period immediately after 1992 gave a firm footing for fundamentalist sections among the Muslim youngsters, most of whom were being inspired by the Pan-Islamic revivalist slogans currently in the state.

The IUML commanding over 90 per cent of the Muslim vote in the Malabar region, saw a virtual split in the middle of 1994, when Ibrahim Sulaiman Sait, an influencial leader of the party, broke off and formed his own party, the Indian National League (INL). The INL’s interest to join with left front coalition in Kerala was undermined by CPI(M) and Sait was compelled to take up more anti-communist and anti-left slogans in course of time. Muslim radicals and fundamental forces were actively involved in all these political developments. These sections were mainly led by the hardcore group that came from Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI), a fundamentalist Muslim outfit which started out in the seventies as the student and youth wing of Jamaat-e-Islami, but later broke off and became an independent movement. The SIMI was banned by the Government of India in September 2001 on account of its activities affecting the communal harmony in India.

The Islamic Sevak Sangh (ISS) and National Development Front (NDF) are the two groups which became active in the nineties, the first in the early years and the second in more recent years. The ISS, which was banned in 1993, evolved itself into a political party- the People’s Democratic party(PDP)- led by Abdul Nasser Madhani. The NDF became an all Kerala organization after the ISS demise has branches all over the state. Its grass root-level activities reveal its obscurantist and fundamentalist outlook in spite of its claims to being a human rights organization working for minorities, Dalits and other oppressed sections. The NDF has been accused of responsible for a number of violent incidences since late 1990s.

At the same time the NDF has claimed that it represents ‘the right of minorities’. Moreover, the organization stated its objectives:

Ø To defend the human rights atrocities from police, military, government and non-governmental agencies.
Ø Special recruitments for jobs and educational posts where they are denied the seats according to the government rules.
Ø For implementing the reservation and allowances for the backward communities for bringing them up to the mainstream society.
Ø The rights of OBC minorities enforcing the government and its agencies to help the downtrodden in the society.

The NDF has actively involved in helping the Tsunami victims of Kerala and Tamil Nadu along with other volunteers of different parties and organizations. Moreover, the NDF in coalition with Popular Front of India has cooperated in the “Empower India Conference”, which is held at Bangalore in February 2007. The Popular Front of India is an organization with an agenda to bring the underprivileged and the marginalized sections like Dalits, backward classes and minority communities to come on one platform. In spite of all these noble ideas, the NDF has been accused for its involvement in incidents like Marad massacre in 2002. The Thomas P. Joseph Commission report found that “activists of Muslim League and NDF were actively involved in the massacre”. It has also been blamed for inciting violence against moderate Muslims in Kerala, in opposition to liberal and reformist Islamic movements and individuals. The BJP has raised the allegation that NDF has links with Pakistan Inter-Services Intelligence. A police enquiry report stated that the NDF had been receiving crores of rupees as funds from foreign countries to carry out training programmes. However, the NDF denied its involvement in cases like Marad and similar cases. They alleged that the perpetrators arrested for the acts were not members of their organization. They blamed RSS and Sangh Parivar behind in fabricating cases against NDF.


The rapid spread of of Muslim fundamentalism in recent decades seems to be related to the rapid urban growth which has taken place in many parts of the Muslim world. Urbanization has produced simultaneously a wealthy, westernized elite and a poverty-stricken, slum-dwelling underclass. The former group aroused the resentment of the latter group, who saw their conspicuous consumption and secular tastes as directly opposed to Islam. Hence Islam identified with the poor and exploited. Another factor in the rise of fundamentalism in some countries is the oil wealth of Muslim countries. It has given self-confidence to many Muslim states, and these results in a renewal of Islamic fervour which leads to fundamentalism. In fact, fundamentalism is also a reaction against corrupt autocratic regimes in the Muslim world, where leaders show very little concern for their people. Fundamentalist groups offer education, jobs, health care etc.

Conclusion
The functioning of such extremist groups foiled the peaceful atmosphere of Kerala. While the organizations like ISS and SIMI disappeared from the public scene due to the ban, NDF continues to be the most vibrant extremist Islamic organization. Its alleged involvement in the Marad carnage and several clashes with Sangh Parivar groups earned a reputation as the most effective Islamic Fundamental organization. Moreover, it has a very good net work throughout Kerala with financial backing from the West Asia. At the same time the NDF still unable to act as coherent organization representing the Muslims since it lacks support from the majority section. It is the case of many Islamic fundamental organizations in India. Muslim organisations are very different from the militant Hindu right wing. Unlike Hindutva as promoted by different groups of Sangh parivar, Muslim communalism neither has a single, all-India ideology nor a single, monolithic organization guided and led by something like the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). It is not only region specific but scattered and without any identifiable foundations. It is based, on the one hand, on resentments, grievances and apprehension and, on the other, on vague aspirations and hopes of getting a better deal from the government.

In this context the Islamic extremism has only a limited role to perform. It is essentially confined to defend the religion against the threat posed by Sangh Parivar. As a result of these fundamental activities, the entire Muslim community has been branded as communalists and part of these organizations. Hence it results in the alienation of Muslims from the mainstream of the society. Such a situation demands active intervention of the government to contain such religious fundamentalist groups, both majority and minority, for promoting communal harmony of the state.