Dr.K.M.Sajad Ibrahim
Islamic Fundamentalism and extremism took root in Kerala as a result of the demolition of the Babri Musjid in 1992. The nature and ideology of these movements have close relations with the Islamic fundamentalism at global level. In the Indian context these movements were launched against Hindu fundamentalism which was viewed as a threat to the rights of Muslims and other religious minorities. It was in this context the organizations like Islamic Sevak Sangh (ISS), Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) and National Development Front (NDF) appeared as defender of the rights of the Muslims. When moderate Muslim political parties and organizations failed to respond to the events in the post-Babri Musjid incidents, new organizations with radical Islamic ideology exploited the situation by influencing the minds of Muslims. Although only a minuscule came under the influence of these radical religious ideology, its impact in the Kerala society has led to far reaching consequences. Communal clashes have become regular phenomena along with the unearthing of a large number of lethal weapons from many parts of Kerala. All these indicate the threat of the communal organizations, both minority and majority, posed against the peaceful atmosphere. The recent growth of Islamic outfits to counter the Sangh Parivar raises many questions concerned with its nature and objectives. The basic object of the paper is to understand the Islamic fundamentalism in the global context and its application to the new Islamic organizations recently founded in Kerala.
Islamic Fundamentalism: Major Implications
Islamic fundamentalism is a distinct phenomenon of the twentieth century which appears to have developed mainly in response to western influence in the Muslim countries. It is an alternative to the traditional conservatism of the Ulama (Muslim religious establishment) and Muslim secularism. Fundamentalists believe that Islam is a complete philosophical, social and economic system containing the answers to mankind’s current problems which capitalism and socialism have failed to solve. They are purists, who have rediscovered the Quran and Islamic values. Fundamentalists advocate the creation of Islamic state, that is, states governed according to the sharia (Islamic law). Such states currently include Saudi Arabia, Iran, Sudan Pakistan etc. In other Muslim countries, that is, where fundamentalists do not officially have political power, many of their demands may nevertheless be acceded to by a moderate government anxious to appease and defuse popular fundamentalists’ fervour.
The rapid spread of Muslim fundamentalism in recent decades seems to be related to the rapid urban growth which has taken place in many parts of the Muslim world. Urbanisation has produced simultaneously wealthy, westernized elite and a poverty stricken, slum dwelling underclass. The former group aroused the resentment of the latter group, who saw their conspicuous consumption and secular tastes as directly opposed to Islam. Hence, Islam identified with the poor and exploited. Another factor in the rise of fundamentalism in some countries is the oil wealth of Muslim countries. It has given self-confidence to many Muslim states, and this results in a renewal of Islamic fervour which led to fundamentalism. In fact, fundamentalism is also a reaction against corrupt autocratic regimes in the Muslim world, where leaders show little concern for their people. Fundamentalist groups offer education, jobs, health care etc. which led to popular support.
Those Muslims who strive to establish an Islamic state can be divided in two groups according to the methods they employ their aims. The mainstream Islamists trend seeks to accomplish its objectives by working within the existing rules and regulations of its respective societies. They are generally not opposed to a degree of political pluralism, to working within the system, to democratic participation, and acknowledge the interests and rights of minorities. These Islamists are generally pragmatic, and do not rule out the existence of a market economy. The second category of those who espouse the concept of an Islamic state are the militant, radical and revolutionary Islamists who are prepared to use violence in their efforts to unseat existing governments. The threat of Islamic fundamentalism which is widely publicized in the west these days comes exclusively from this group of Islamists. They reject the idea of pluralism, political or otherwise, decry democracy as non-Islamic and repress ethnic, linguistic religious minorities. Terrorists’ tactics are normally considered as legitimate tool in the arsenal available to such groups. Jihad one such term deliberately used to unleash violence. In reality the word ‘Jihad’ has no relation with violence as mentioned in Quran and Prophetic words. Jihad has the literal meaning of exerting our best and greatest effort to achieve the path of God. Quran does not call for the annihilation of non-believers. For eg. Quran calls: “The truth is from Lord: let him who will, believe, and let him who will, reject it.(Quran18:29). “If it had been Lord’s will, they would have all have believed- all who are on earth! Wilt thou then compel mankind, against their will, to believe!”. (It means men of faith must not be impatient or angry if they have to contend against Unfaith, and most important of all, they must guard against the temptation of forcing Faith … Forced faith is no faith. (Abdullah Yousuf Ali Quran translation p.505) At the global context, the people who are attracted to the fundamentalist movements are the lower middle class and the students. The basic reasons for their attractions to fundamentalism include in their social and religious sense of despair and in their being a class of the society that has no future.
Islamic Extremist Organizations in Kerala
The rise of fundamentalism in Malabar, especially in Malppuram, which is fast becoming its major centre, dates back to the days when traditional Muslim parties like the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) took a beating after the demolition of the Babri Musjid. The IUML was at the receiving end of the Babri developments as the party was an ally of the Congress in the Kerala ruling front. The period immediately after 1992 gave a firm footing for fundamentalist sections among the Muslim youngsters, most of whom were being inspired by the Pan-Islamic revivalist slogans currently in the state.
The IUML commanding over 90 per cent of the Muslim vote in the Malabar region, saw a virtual split in the middle of 1994, when Ibrahim Sulaiman Sait, an influencial leader of the party, broke off and formed his own party, the Indian National League (INL). The INL’s interest to join with left front coalition in Kerala was undermined by CPI(M) and Sait was compelled to take up more anti-communist and anti-left slogans in course of time. Muslim radicals and fundamental forces were actively involved in all these political developments. These sections were mainly led by the hardcore group that came from Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI), a fundamentalist Muslim outfit which started out in the seventies as the student and youth wing of Jamaat-e-Islami, but later broke off and became an independent movement. The SIMI was banned by the Government of India in September 2001 on account of its activities affecting the communal harmony in India.
The Islamic Sevak Sangh (ISS) and National Development Front (NDF) are the two groups which became active in the nineties, the first in the early years and the second in more recent years. The ISS, which was banned in 1993, evolved itself into a political party- the People’s Democratic party(PDP)- led by Abdul Nasser Madhani. The NDF became an all Kerala organization after the ISS demise has branches all over the state. Its grass root-level activities reveal its obscurantist and fundamentalist outlook in spite of its claims to being a human rights organization working for minorities, Dalits and other oppressed sections. The NDF has been accused of responsible for a number of violent incidences since late 1990s.
At the same time the NDF has claimed that it represents ‘the right of minorities’. Moreover, the organization stated its objectives:
Ø To defend the human rights atrocities from police, military, government and non-governmental agencies.
Ø Special recruitments for jobs and educational posts where they are denied the seats according to the government rules.
Ø For implementing the reservation and allowances for the backward communities for bringing them up to the mainstream society.
Ø The rights of OBC minorities enforcing the government and its agencies to help the downtrodden in the society.
The NDF has actively involved in helping the Tsunami victims of Kerala and Tamil Nadu along with other volunteers of different parties and organizations. Moreover, the NDF in coalition with Popular Front of India has cooperated in the “Empower India Conference”, which is held at Bangalore in February 2007. The Popular Front of India is an organization with an agenda to bring the underprivileged and the marginalized sections like Dalits, backward classes and minority communities to come on one platform. In spite of all these noble ideas, the NDF has been accused for its involvement in incidents like Marad massacre in 2002. The Thomas P. Joseph Commission report found that “activists of Muslim League and NDF were actively involved in the massacre”. It has also been blamed for inciting violence against moderate Muslims in Kerala, in opposition to liberal and reformist Islamic movements and individuals. The BJP has raised the allegation that NDF has links with Pakistan Inter-Services Intelligence. A police enquiry report stated that the NDF had been receiving crores of rupees as funds from foreign countries to carry out training programmes. However, the NDF denied its involvement in cases like Marad and similar cases. They alleged that the perpetrators arrested for the acts were not members of their organization. They blamed RSS and Sangh Parivar behind in fabricating cases against NDF.
The rapid spread of of Muslim fundamentalism in recent decades seems to be related to the rapid urban growth which has taken place in many parts of the Muslim world. Urbanization has produced simultaneously a wealthy, westernized elite and a poverty-stricken, slum-dwelling underclass. The former group aroused the resentment of the latter group, who saw their conspicuous consumption and secular tastes as directly opposed to Islam. Hence Islam identified with the poor and exploited. Another factor in the rise of fundamentalism in some countries is the oil wealth of Muslim countries. It has given self-confidence to many Muslim states, and these results in a renewal of Islamic fervour which leads to fundamentalism. In fact, fundamentalism is also a reaction against corrupt autocratic regimes in the Muslim world, where leaders show very little concern for their people. Fundamentalist groups offer education, jobs, health care etc.
Conclusion
The functioning of such extremist groups foiled the peaceful atmosphere of Kerala. While the organizations like ISS and SIMI disappeared from the public scene due to the ban, NDF continues to be the most vibrant extremist Islamic organization. Its alleged involvement in the Marad carnage and several clashes with Sangh Parivar groups earned a reputation as the most effective Islamic Fundamental organization. Moreover, it has a very good net work throughout Kerala with financial backing from the West Asia. At the same time the NDF still unable to act as coherent organization representing the Muslims since it lacks support from the majority section. It is the case of many Islamic fundamental organizations in India. Muslim organisations are very different from the militant Hindu right wing. Unlike Hindutva as promoted by different groups of Sangh parivar, Muslim communalism neither has a single, all-India ideology nor a single, monolithic organization guided and led by something like the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). It is not only region specific but scattered and without any identifiable foundations. It is based, on the one hand, on resentments, grievances and apprehension and, on the other, on vague aspirations and hopes of getting a better deal from the government.
In this context the Islamic extremism has only a limited role to perform. It is essentially confined to defend the religion against the threat posed by Sangh Parivar. As a result of these fundamental activities, the entire Muslim community has been branded as communalists and part of these organizations. Hence it results in the alienation of Muslims from the mainstream of the society. Such a situation demands active intervention of the government to contain such religious fundamentalist groups, both majority and minority, for promoting communal harmony of the state.
Islamic Fundamentalism and extremism took root in Kerala as a result of the demolition of the Babri Musjid in 1992. The nature and ideology of these movements have close relations with the Islamic fundamentalism at global level. In the Indian context these movements were launched against Hindu fundamentalism which was viewed as a threat to the rights of Muslims and other religious minorities. It was in this context the organizations like Islamic Sevak Sangh (ISS), Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) and National Development Front (NDF) appeared as defender of the rights of the Muslims. When moderate Muslim political parties and organizations failed to respond to the events in the post-Babri Musjid incidents, new organizations with radical Islamic ideology exploited the situation by influencing the minds of Muslims. Although only a minuscule came under the influence of these radical religious ideology, its impact in the Kerala society has led to far reaching consequences. Communal clashes have become regular phenomena along with the unearthing of a large number of lethal weapons from many parts of Kerala. All these indicate the threat of the communal organizations, both minority and majority, posed against the peaceful atmosphere. The recent growth of Islamic outfits to counter the Sangh Parivar raises many questions concerned with its nature and objectives. The basic object of the paper is to understand the Islamic fundamentalism in the global context and its application to the new Islamic organizations recently founded in Kerala.
Islamic Fundamentalism: Major Implications
Islamic fundamentalism is a distinct phenomenon of the twentieth century which appears to have developed mainly in response to western influence in the Muslim countries. It is an alternative to the traditional conservatism of the Ulama (Muslim religious establishment) and Muslim secularism. Fundamentalists believe that Islam is a complete philosophical, social and economic system containing the answers to mankind’s current problems which capitalism and socialism have failed to solve. They are purists, who have rediscovered the Quran and Islamic values. Fundamentalists advocate the creation of Islamic state, that is, states governed according to the sharia (Islamic law). Such states currently include Saudi Arabia, Iran, Sudan Pakistan etc. In other Muslim countries, that is, where fundamentalists do not officially have political power, many of their demands may nevertheless be acceded to by a moderate government anxious to appease and defuse popular fundamentalists’ fervour.
The rapid spread of Muslim fundamentalism in recent decades seems to be related to the rapid urban growth which has taken place in many parts of the Muslim world. Urbanisation has produced simultaneously wealthy, westernized elite and a poverty stricken, slum dwelling underclass. The former group aroused the resentment of the latter group, who saw their conspicuous consumption and secular tastes as directly opposed to Islam. Hence, Islam identified with the poor and exploited. Another factor in the rise of fundamentalism in some countries is the oil wealth of Muslim countries. It has given self-confidence to many Muslim states, and this results in a renewal of Islamic fervour which led to fundamentalism. In fact, fundamentalism is also a reaction against corrupt autocratic regimes in the Muslim world, where leaders show little concern for their people. Fundamentalist groups offer education, jobs, health care etc. which led to popular support.
Those Muslims who strive to establish an Islamic state can be divided in two groups according to the methods they employ their aims. The mainstream Islamists trend seeks to accomplish its objectives by working within the existing rules and regulations of its respective societies. They are generally not opposed to a degree of political pluralism, to working within the system, to democratic participation, and acknowledge the interests and rights of minorities. These Islamists are generally pragmatic, and do not rule out the existence of a market economy. The second category of those who espouse the concept of an Islamic state are the militant, radical and revolutionary Islamists who are prepared to use violence in their efforts to unseat existing governments. The threat of Islamic fundamentalism which is widely publicized in the west these days comes exclusively from this group of Islamists. They reject the idea of pluralism, political or otherwise, decry democracy as non-Islamic and repress ethnic, linguistic religious minorities. Terrorists’ tactics are normally considered as legitimate tool in the arsenal available to such groups. Jihad one such term deliberately used to unleash violence. In reality the word ‘Jihad’ has no relation with violence as mentioned in Quran and Prophetic words. Jihad has the literal meaning of exerting our best and greatest effort to achieve the path of God. Quran does not call for the annihilation of non-believers. For eg. Quran calls: “The truth is from Lord: let him who will, believe, and let him who will, reject it.(Quran18:29). “If it had been Lord’s will, they would have all have believed- all who are on earth! Wilt thou then compel mankind, against their will, to believe!”. (It means men of faith must not be impatient or angry if they have to contend against Unfaith, and most important of all, they must guard against the temptation of forcing Faith … Forced faith is no faith. (Abdullah Yousuf Ali Quran translation p.505) At the global context, the people who are attracted to the fundamentalist movements are the lower middle class and the students. The basic reasons for their attractions to fundamentalism include in their social and religious sense of despair and in their being a class of the society that has no future.
Islamic Extremist Organizations in Kerala
The rise of fundamentalism in Malabar, especially in Malppuram, which is fast becoming its major centre, dates back to the days when traditional Muslim parties like the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) took a beating after the demolition of the Babri Musjid. The IUML was at the receiving end of the Babri developments as the party was an ally of the Congress in the Kerala ruling front. The period immediately after 1992 gave a firm footing for fundamentalist sections among the Muslim youngsters, most of whom were being inspired by the Pan-Islamic revivalist slogans currently in the state.
The IUML commanding over 90 per cent of the Muslim vote in the Malabar region, saw a virtual split in the middle of 1994, when Ibrahim Sulaiman Sait, an influencial leader of the party, broke off and formed his own party, the Indian National League (INL). The INL’s interest to join with left front coalition in Kerala was undermined by CPI(M) and Sait was compelled to take up more anti-communist and anti-left slogans in course of time. Muslim radicals and fundamental forces were actively involved in all these political developments. These sections were mainly led by the hardcore group that came from Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI), a fundamentalist Muslim outfit which started out in the seventies as the student and youth wing of Jamaat-e-Islami, but later broke off and became an independent movement. The SIMI was banned by the Government of India in September 2001 on account of its activities affecting the communal harmony in India.
The Islamic Sevak Sangh (ISS) and National Development Front (NDF) are the two groups which became active in the nineties, the first in the early years and the second in more recent years. The ISS, which was banned in 1993, evolved itself into a political party- the People’s Democratic party(PDP)- led by Abdul Nasser Madhani. The NDF became an all Kerala organization after the ISS demise has branches all over the state. Its grass root-level activities reveal its obscurantist and fundamentalist outlook in spite of its claims to being a human rights organization working for minorities, Dalits and other oppressed sections. The NDF has been accused of responsible for a number of violent incidences since late 1990s.
At the same time the NDF has claimed that it represents ‘the right of minorities’. Moreover, the organization stated its objectives:
Ø To defend the human rights atrocities from police, military, government and non-governmental agencies.
Ø Special recruitments for jobs and educational posts where they are denied the seats according to the government rules.
Ø For implementing the reservation and allowances for the backward communities for bringing them up to the mainstream society.
Ø The rights of OBC minorities enforcing the government and its agencies to help the downtrodden in the society.
The NDF has actively involved in helping the Tsunami victims of Kerala and Tamil Nadu along with other volunteers of different parties and organizations. Moreover, the NDF in coalition with Popular Front of India has cooperated in the “Empower India Conference”, which is held at Bangalore in February 2007. The Popular Front of India is an organization with an agenda to bring the underprivileged and the marginalized sections like Dalits, backward classes and minority communities to come on one platform. In spite of all these noble ideas, the NDF has been accused for its involvement in incidents like Marad massacre in 2002. The Thomas P. Joseph Commission report found that “activists of Muslim League and NDF were actively involved in the massacre”. It has also been blamed for inciting violence against moderate Muslims in Kerala, in opposition to liberal and reformist Islamic movements and individuals. The BJP has raised the allegation that NDF has links with Pakistan Inter-Services Intelligence. A police enquiry report stated that the NDF had been receiving crores of rupees as funds from foreign countries to carry out training programmes. However, the NDF denied its involvement in cases like Marad and similar cases. They alleged that the perpetrators arrested for the acts were not members of their organization. They blamed RSS and Sangh Parivar behind in fabricating cases against NDF.
The rapid spread of of Muslim fundamentalism in recent decades seems to be related to the rapid urban growth which has taken place in many parts of the Muslim world. Urbanization has produced simultaneously a wealthy, westernized elite and a poverty-stricken, slum-dwelling underclass. The former group aroused the resentment of the latter group, who saw their conspicuous consumption and secular tastes as directly opposed to Islam. Hence Islam identified with the poor and exploited. Another factor in the rise of fundamentalism in some countries is the oil wealth of Muslim countries. It has given self-confidence to many Muslim states, and these results in a renewal of Islamic fervour which leads to fundamentalism. In fact, fundamentalism is also a reaction against corrupt autocratic regimes in the Muslim world, where leaders show very little concern for their people. Fundamentalist groups offer education, jobs, health care etc.
Conclusion
The functioning of such extremist groups foiled the peaceful atmosphere of Kerala. While the organizations like ISS and SIMI disappeared from the public scene due to the ban, NDF continues to be the most vibrant extremist Islamic organization. Its alleged involvement in the Marad carnage and several clashes with Sangh Parivar groups earned a reputation as the most effective Islamic Fundamental organization. Moreover, it has a very good net work throughout Kerala with financial backing from the West Asia. At the same time the NDF still unable to act as coherent organization representing the Muslims since it lacks support from the majority section. It is the case of many Islamic fundamental organizations in India. Muslim organisations are very different from the militant Hindu right wing. Unlike Hindutva as promoted by different groups of Sangh parivar, Muslim communalism neither has a single, all-India ideology nor a single, monolithic organization guided and led by something like the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). It is not only region specific but scattered and without any identifiable foundations. It is based, on the one hand, on resentments, grievances and apprehension and, on the other, on vague aspirations and hopes of getting a better deal from the government.
In this context the Islamic extremism has only a limited role to perform. It is essentially confined to defend the religion against the threat posed by Sangh Parivar. As a result of these fundamental activities, the entire Muslim community has been branded as communalists and part of these organizations. Hence it results in the alienation of Muslims from the mainstream of the society. Such a situation demands active intervention of the government to contain such religious fundamentalist groups, both majority and minority, for promoting communal harmony of the state.
